Whose tongue speaks for the people? Africa’s language dilemma
Contrasting experiments across the region
Most Africans speak, think and dream in vernacular languages, but when their representatives debate the laws that govern them, they must switch tongues, straining to translate lived realities into foreign syntax.
The late Kenyan writer Ngũgĩ wa Thiong’o argued in ‘Decolonising the Mind’ that language carries culture, and culture carries, particularly through orature and literature, the entire body of values by which we perceive ourselves and our place in the world.
Yet in many African parliaments, it is the colonial languages – English, French, Portuguese – that dominate.
The majority of Africans speak, think, and dream in vernacular languages, but when their representatives stand to debate the laws that govern them, they must switch tongues, often straining to translate lived realities into foreign syntax.
Africa faces a language dilemma – the gap between the languages spoken in the home and those used in the halls of power.
With more than 2 000 indigenous languages, the African continent is the most linguistically diverse in the world; yet, many states continue to function officially in English, French or Portuguese.
This leaves ordinary citizens alienated from parliamentary debates, court rulings and education systems.
France, by contrast, shows how language can anchor unity. The French state long ago enforced French as the sole national language, displacing regional dialects such as Breton, Corsican and Provençal.
Today, French is both the language of the people and the language of power – spoken at home, in schools, in courts, and in parliament.
Africa’s challenge, therefore, is not only one of translation but of identity – how to decolonise language policy without fracturing fragile national unities.
Namibia’s experiment
In Namibia, the issue of language in parliament recently came to the fore through AR leader, Job Amupanda.
He argued that if parliament is to truly reflect the people, then Oshiwambo, Otjiherero, Nama-Damara and other indigenous languages should be given a place on the floor.
Amupanda was eventually permitted to proceed, but only after a brief suspension of proceedings.
Former Swanu leader and parliamentarian Dr Tangeni Iijambo said he agrees it is high time local languages were used in parliament, noting that Namibians have been unfortunate to be moved from German to Afrikaans and now to English.
“Language is culture, and our cultures have been dominated for so long,” he told Namibian Sun this week.
Iijambo, however, conceded the challenges of translation, pointing out that Otjiherero alone has more than nine dialects, while Oshiwambo has more than seven.
“The translations may make it difficult for others, even from the same umbrella tribe, to understand everything. Time is everything,” he said.
A modern Babel
Across Africa, parliaments wrestle with the politics of language.
In South Africa, MPs are free to speak in any of the 11 official languages, but interpretation systems often falter, which has led to walkouts and frustration.
In Tanzania, Swahili dominates parliament, making it a rare success story of an African language displacing colonial tongues and taking centre stage in political life – though smaller languages remain marginalised.
In Zimbabwe, MPs occasionally speak Shona or Ndebele, reflecting their status as national languages, but in practice English remains the dominant medium.
Ethiopia’s Amharic dominates parliament, but that language itself carries with it a history of exclusion.
Paradox
Former Prime Minister Nahas Angula has long acknowledged this paradox.
“If the country can afford to have interpreters in all 11 or so languages, parliamentarians can express themselves in their mother languages. But if it is left to those parties which can afford interpreters, the idea shall be discriminatory!” he cautioned.
Angula reminded Namibians that a similar compromise was reached in education.
“Home Language as the medium of instruction from Grade 1 to 3, Home Language as a subject from Grade 4 to 12. This works in rural areas but is a challenge in urban schools,” Angula said.
The point, Angula stressed, is that language policy in a multilingual society will always be a challenge, but it cannot be ignored.
Prepare for change
On the ground, local leaders echo this urgency. Okahandja deputy mayor Akser Aupindi has described Amupanda’s intervention as a wake-up call.
“Good move for us to accommodate everybody, but it should not end with Oshiwambo speaking to all ethnical groups to pass their messages. Sign language should be used too. After 35 years, we cannot have a parliament run like that,” Aupindi said.
For Aupindi, the burden cannot fall solely on individual MPs.
“It is not fair that the one speaking in the vernacular should organise a translator. Parliament must be organised and a notification issued on time to make arrangements,” he concluded.
Yet in many African parliaments, it is the colonial languages – English, French, Portuguese – that dominate.
The majority of Africans speak, think, and dream in vernacular languages, but when their representatives stand to debate the laws that govern them, they must switch tongues, often straining to translate lived realities into foreign syntax.
Africa faces a language dilemma – the gap between the languages spoken in the home and those used in the halls of power.
With more than 2 000 indigenous languages, the African continent is the most linguistically diverse in the world; yet, many states continue to function officially in English, French or Portuguese.
This leaves ordinary citizens alienated from parliamentary debates, court rulings and education systems.
France, by contrast, shows how language can anchor unity. The French state long ago enforced French as the sole national language, displacing regional dialects such as Breton, Corsican and Provençal.
Today, French is both the language of the people and the language of power – spoken at home, in schools, in courts, and in parliament.
Africa’s challenge, therefore, is not only one of translation but of identity – how to decolonise language policy without fracturing fragile national unities.
Namibia’s experiment
In Namibia, the issue of language in parliament recently came to the fore through AR leader, Job Amupanda.
He argued that if parliament is to truly reflect the people, then Oshiwambo, Otjiherero, Nama-Damara and other indigenous languages should be given a place on the floor.
Amupanda was eventually permitted to proceed, but only after a brief suspension of proceedings.
Former Swanu leader and parliamentarian Dr Tangeni Iijambo said he agrees it is high time local languages were used in parliament, noting that Namibians have been unfortunate to be moved from German to Afrikaans and now to English.
“Language is culture, and our cultures have been dominated for so long,” he told Namibian Sun this week.
Iijambo, however, conceded the challenges of translation, pointing out that Otjiherero alone has more than nine dialects, while Oshiwambo has more than seven.
“The translations may make it difficult for others, even from the same umbrella tribe, to understand everything. Time is everything,” he said.
A modern Babel
Across Africa, parliaments wrestle with the politics of language.
In South Africa, MPs are free to speak in any of the 11 official languages, but interpretation systems often falter, which has led to walkouts and frustration.
In Tanzania, Swahili dominates parliament, making it a rare success story of an African language displacing colonial tongues and taking centre stage in political life – though smaller languages remain marginalised.
In Zimbabwe, MPs occasionally speak Shona or Ndebele, reflecting their status as national languages, but in practice English remains the dominant medium.
Ethiopia’s Amharic dominates parliament, but that language itself carries with it a history of exclusion.
Paradox
Former Prime Minister Nahas Angula has long acknowledged this paradox.
“If the country can afford to have interpreters in all 11 or so languages, parliamentarians can express themselves in their mother languages. But if it is left to those parties which can afford interpreters, the idea shall be discriminatory!” he cautioned.
Angula reminded Namibians that a similar compromise was reached in education.
“Home Language as the medium of instruction from Grade 1 to 3, Home Language as a subject from Grade 4 to 12. This works in rural areas but is a challenge in urban schools,” Angula said.
The point, Angula stressed, is that language policy in a multilingual society will always be a challenge, but it cannot be ignored.
Prepare for change
On the ground, local leaders echo this urgency. Okahandja deputy mayor Akser Aupindi has described Amupanda’s intervention as a wake-up call.
“Good move for us to accommodate everybody, but it should not end with Oshiwambo speaking to all ethnical groups to pass their messages. Sign language should be used too. After 35 years, we cannot have a parliament run like that,” Aupindi said.
For Aupindi, the burden cannot fall solely on individual MPs.
“It is not fair that the one speaking in the vernacular should organise a translator. Parliament must be organised and a notification issued on time to make arrangements,” he concluded.
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