How Israel failed to turn October 7 military gains into political success
Hundreds of thousands of displaced civilians are starving and homeless. Hamas, meanwhile, has not collapsed. It refuses to surrender.
Everyone warned: military victories in Gaza must be translated into lasting political gains; Everyone understood—except Netanyahu, and now Israeli soldiers, hostages, and our global reputation are paying the price.
Much has already been said and written about the intelligence, military, and political failures of October 7. But the colossal political failure Israel has experienced in the months—and especially the recent weeks—since May now may be overshadowing even that horrific day.
On October 7, the IDF, Shin Bet, Military Intelligence, and political and military leadership were all caught off guard by Hamas’ brutal massacre. But when it comes to the challenge of transforming tactical battlefield gains into strategic political outcomes, this was no surprise. Everyone saw it coming. Everyone warned about it.
State commission of inquiry
Former Defense Minister Yoav Gallant, former IDF Chief of Staff Zither Halevi, and former Shin Bet Director Ronen Bar—all those who were deeply burned on October 7 and admitted their failures—cautioned Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu repeatedly: without a clear plan for the “day after” in Gaza, any military victory would be rendered meaningless.
Again and again, across media channels and news outlets, the message was clear—Israel must create a new political reality in Gaza.
That requires thinking ahead about post-war governance and viable alternatives. Yet Netanyahu systematically blocked every diplomatic effort because almost all included a role for the Palestinian Authority.
This wasn’t due to security concerns. He knows, like everyone else, that among all the bad options, the Palestinian Authority is likely the least bad. He blocked those efforts for political reasons—to avoid reaching a ceasefire that would inevitably lead to the formation of a state commission of inquiry and likely force him into new elections. His far-right coalition partners, Bezalel Smotrich and Itamar Ben Gvir, had already threatened to topple the government if he pursued such a path.
Famine spreads
So Netanyahu refused. And now Israel finds itself at a dead end. In Gaza, soldiers are injured and killed nearly every day. Hostages remain captive. Famine spreads. And the international community—including the United States—now views Israel as dangerously close to regimes like Iran and Assad’s Syria. Israelis can no longer travel safely abroad. They are targets almost everywhere.
Meanwhile, France has officially recognized a Palestinian state, and more EU countries are likely to follow. On the ground, nearly three-quarters of Gaza lies in ruins. Hundreds of thousands of displaced civilians are starving and homeless. Hamas, meanwhile, has not collapsed. It refuses to surrender.
The military and its leadership likely understood long ago that the IDF has no strategic purpose left in Gaza. But the political leadership—led by Netanyahu and Minister of Defense Israel Katz—continues to order them forward. They recycle empty slogans about “total victory” (no longer fashionable) or “opening the gates of hell”—as if anyone in Gaza still believes paradise was ever an option.
Humanitarian disaster deepens
IDF soldiers are dying and being maimed—and for what? Meanwhile, Hamas is gaining global legitimacy, fed by images of f humanitarian crisis. For the organization, every day of growing civilian suffering is a win. It knows that as the humanitarian disaster deepens, Israel will be forced to allow more aid into Gaza, without receiving anything in return, not even the release of hostages.
Israel tried to apply pressure by creating a joint U.S.-Israel mechanism to distribute aid directly to civilians without Hamas involvement. But that move backfired. It ended up digging its own grave, allowing massive aid to enter Gaza without oversight, control, or any reciprocal concessions from Hamas.
This is no longer simple negligence. It’s not just political foolishness. It’s a prolonged, massive and historic failure that began on October 7 and hasn’t stopped since. And it’s seeping into the public consciousness. It’s reaching the troops.
The Nahal Brigade soldiers who refused to return to Gaza won’t be the last. They, too, understand they’re being sent to the front—not to change reality in southern Israel, not to eliminate Hamas—but to preserve Netanyahu’s rule. Nothing more. - ynetnews
Much has already been said and written about the intelligence, military, and political failures of October 7. But the colossal political failure Israel has experienced in the months—and especially the recent weeks—since May now may be overshadowing even that horrific day.
On October 7, the IDF, Shin Bet, Military Intelligence, and political and military leadership were all caught off guard by Hamas’ brutal massacre. But when it comes to the challenge of transforming tactical battlefield gains into strategic political outcomes, this was no surprise. Everyone saw it coming. Everyone warned about it.
State commission of inquiry
Former Defense Minister Yoav Gallant, former IDF Chief of Staff Zither Halevi, and former Shin Bet Director Ronen Bar—all those who were deeply burned on October 7 and admitted their failures—cautioned Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu repeatedly: without a clear plan for the “day after” in Gaza, any military victory would be rendered meaningless.
Again and again, across media channels and news outlets, the message was clear—Israel must create a new political reality in Gaza.
That requires thinking ahead about post-war governance and viable alternatives. Yet Netanyahu systematically blocked every diplomatic effort because almost all included a role for the Palestinian Authority.
This wasn’t due to security concerns. He knows, like everyone else, that among all the bad options, the Palestinian Authority is likely the least bad. He blocked those efforts for political reasons—to avoid reaching a ceasefire that would inevitably lead to the formation of a state commission of inquiry and likely force him into new elections. His far-right coalition partners, Bezalel Smotrich and Itamar Ben Gvir, had already threatened to topple the government if he pursued such a path.
Famine spreads
So Netanyahu refused. And now Israel finds itself at a dead end. In Gaza, soldiers are injured and killed nearly every day. Hostages remain captive. Famine spreads. And the international community—including the United States—now views Israel as dangerously close to regimes like Iran and Assad’s Syria. Israelis can no longer travel safely abroad. They are targets almost everywhere.
Meanwhile, France has officially recognized a Palestinian state, and more EU countries are likely to follow. On the ground, nearly three-quarters of Gaza lies in ruins. Hundreds of thousands of displaced civilians are starving and homeless. Hamas, meanwhile, has not collapsed. It refuses to surrender.
The military and its leadership likely understood long ago that the IDF has no strategic purpose left in Gaza. But the political leadership—led by Netanyahu and Minister of Defense Israel Katz—continues to order them forward. They recycle empty slogans about “total victory” (no longer fashionable) or “opening the gates of hell”—as if anyone in Gaza still believes paradise was ever an option.
Humanitarian disaster deepens
IDF soldiers are dying and being maimed—and for what? Meanwhile, Hamas is gaining global legitimacy, fed by images of f humanitarian crisis. For the organization, every day of growing civilian suffering is a win. It knows that as the humanitarian disaster deepens, Israel will be forced to allow more aid into Gaza, without receiving anything in return, not even the release of hostages.
Israel tried to apply pressure by creating a joint U.S.-Israel mechanism to distribute aid directly to civilians without Hamas involvement. But that move backfired. It ended up digging its own grave, allowing massive aid to enter Gaza without oversight, control, or any reciprocal concessions from Hamas.
This is no longer simple negligence. It’s not just political foolishness. It’s a prolonged, massive and historic failure that began on October 7 and hasn’t stopped since. And it’s seeping into the public consciousness. It’s reaching the troops.
The Nahal Brigade soldiers who refused to return to Gaza won’t be the last. They, too, understand they’re being sent to the front—not to change reality in southern Israel, not to eliminate Hamas—but to preserve Netanyahu’s rule. Nothing more. - ynetnews
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