Swapo denies Fishrot link

Swapo Party leaders have denied any links to the unfolding Fishrot scandal in which high-level political leaders and prominent business people stand accused of having received hundreds of millions of dollars in bribes for fishing quotas.

The whistleblower, Jóhannes Stefánnson, in a televised interview with the Icelandic National Broadcasting Service (RUV), had made the startling allegation that the Swapo Party had received “quota fees”.

Stefánnson, former employee of Icelandic fishing giant Samherji that allegedly paid bribes for the quotas, said these quota fees paid to the ruling party were considered as a “goodwill payment”. Reference was also made to Samherji's “good connections” in the highest places and Namibia's friendly attitudes towards Iceland after decades of development aid. This was seen as “very valuable” since quota allocations in Namibia are considered as “political”.

Elsewhere it is asserted that Samherji would get quotas “through Swapo”, which would allegedly have meant that the quota allocations would be “cheaper”. In one instance Stefánnson alleged that the Namibia Fish Consumption Promotion Trust was also paid a “facilitation fee”. He said having a horse-mackerel quota during 2011 and 2012 was equivalent to a “goldmine”. Asked whether Swapo had received any money from Samherji and what the party's claim on Namibian fisheries was, party secretary-general Sophia Shaningwa first asked for evidence, saying she did not know what the allegations entailed. She later referred all questions to the party's department on economics. Clive Kavendjii, the chairperson of this department and chairperson of Swapo nominee shareholders, said none of the Swapo-owned companies had received any money whatsoever from Samherji.



Wikileaks documents

In documents made public by Wikileaks the Swapo Party is mentioned a number of times, indicating that the Icelandic company considered close ties to the ruling party as important.

A memo on a trip to Namibia in June 2011 states that Stefánnson and others met with a Mr Shiimi, described as a “key person” in the fisheries ministry. One of the points from Mr Shiimi is an item which reads “Zebra holders (Swapo)”. In a July 2011 situational report of Katla Seafood, a subsidiary of Samherji, a flowchart identifies all possible stakeholders in the consideration of fishing quota allocations.

Under the heading 'Payment for quota fee to quota holders – payment for quota levy and fees to authorities' one entry states: “Quota agreements: Quota owners, politburo (Swapo political party) and horse mackerel quota holders; ministry of fisheries”.

Another PowerPoint presentation states that Samherji's ambition was to “achieve up to 30%” of the total Namibian horse-mackerel quota for 2013 and 2014. What the company identified as prerequisites for this was identified as “Namibianisation, land processing for part of the catch, political support all the way, and heppni [luck in Icelandic]”. In the same document it is stated that “the minister, (and James, Levy and Tamsson)” are “working to get 30 000 tonnes in [the] summer”, with an added comment that “this is done with vigor (sic)”.

The references are to former fisheries minister Bernard Esau, James Hatuikulipi, and Tamson Hatuikulipi. It is not clear who “Levy” is.

Among the comments in this document are: “We are promised that the terms of this quota will be far different than we have been so far agreed on”, and “We are close to the minister and have an opportunity now that we do not get again”.





Stefánnson was the director of a subsidiary called Esja Mar Fishing. In one of the minutes of a meeting at the Esja offices in Walvis Bay in April 2014, a note was made that one Swapo Party Youth League (SPYL) member would like to visit Samherji's factory ship Heinaste the next time it docked at Walvis Bay.

The SPYL is said to be a shareholding partner in Esja. Another document shows that the Swapo youth league it has a 12% stake in another company called Yukor Fishing.

In a PowerPoint presentation of Articanam Fishing, under the heading 'Social Responsibilities', “Swapo members” are listed among the parties that should be considered for donations.

The minutes of a meeting with James Hatuikulipi in August 2015 mention a “land-based factory for horse mackerel: Samherji, Fishcor, Swapo…”.

In an email exchange, Stefánnson wrote: “We need to take together what we sponsored this year, both from [subsidiaries] Katla and Esja during 2014”.

One of these “social responsibility” projects included “renovating [a] house for a Swapo member” at a cost of N$150 000, he recalled.



The players

A 2012 memo considered relationships with “people of influence” in order to secure quotas.

Tamson is described as “the minister's son-in-law and our link to him [the minister]”.

James is a “businessman and uncle of Tamson”, is “prestigious and with good relationship” and “has proven successful and played a major role in relations with the minister” and “considered a future partner”.

Former justice minister Sackey Shanghala, “associated with James and Tamson”, is described as “one of those who write the songs.”

Of Shanghala it is further written: “Is impressive and has proven successful. Is one of the parties that are in contact with the Minister for Kettle [a subsidiary].”

CATHERINE SASMAN